The Central Bank And Government Finance

This article continues the sequence of articles on central banks as banks. This article was as brief as possible since it overlapped my book Understanding Government Finance (available for sale cheaply at online bookstores, and I emphasise that it would be an amazing Christmas present for friends and/or enemies (depending on what you think of my writing)). I might need to expand upon the less obvious points herein if this text does get into my book manuscript.

Central banking largely evolved the way it did due to the exigencies of wartime finance. The central government needs control over its financial operations in wartime, and any attempts to interfere by the private sector would be viewed as akin to sabotage. For a free-floating sovereign (and currency pegs are typically broken during major wars), the system guarantees that the financial flows will continue to flow.

Central Bank Balance Sheets

This article continues my series of articles on central banks as banks.

Central bank balance sheets (in the modern era, at least) are relatively simple. There is a split between banks with a currency peg and those without. After that, the key point to keep in mind that the minimum size of the central bank balance sheet is not under the control of the central bank — other actors create a minimal demand for their liabilities. The only freedom of action for central bankers is growing beyond the minimum, which they did not do before the days of Quantitative Easing (QE). The article finishes off with a discussion of consolidation.

This text overlaps material found in my book Understanding Government Finance.

Central Bank Banking Basics

This article continues the plan outlined in the previous article “Central Banks as Banks.” As I described therein, this is projected to become a chapter within my banking primer. I am not going to describe private banking — as that is the job of other chapters — but I will cover the issues of inter-bank transactions. This article is about fundamentals that we normally do not think about.

As the name suggests, central banks are at the centre of the banking system. The objective of a well-run banking system is that you do not have to worry about how it works. So long as everything under the hood is operating, you do not need to enquire how the money gets from one account to another. By not worrying about those details, we tend to only focus on the flashy bits of central banking (e.g., trying to hit an inflation target) instead of the banking system regulation part.

Central Banks As Banks

My plan is to write a draft what should become a chapter for my banking book. The inflation manuscript is in good shape (but way behind schedule), but there’s nothing I can publish from it (other than reposting the edited version of articles posted earlier). This article is somewhat lightweight — it might turn into the introductory section, which I normally just keep as a summary of the chapter contents. The advantage of putting this summary out is that it sort-of explains why I might cover some digressions in the first articles.

Central banks, as the name suggests, are in fact banks. This rather straightforward perspective was lost in the decades after World War II, when central bankers bought into mainstream thinking and they thought of themselves as “benevolent central planners.” Instead of worrying about mundane distractions like credit risks within the system, the researchers were running around pretending they were 1960s control systems engineers optimally determining the trade off between growth and inflation. Of course, this neglect of banking led to the rather awkward Financial Crisis in 2008, where central bankers suddenly had to get a handle on banking risks once again. Since then, central bankers have been quite vigilant about banking risks — at least the ones that are similar to the last crisis.

"So How Did You Lose Money Buying Risk-Free Bonds?"

The title of this article is deliberately silly, but there are times where I just need to be deliberately silly. I am not going to discuss why people (like myself, sigh) decided to not cut their bond allocations to zero ahead of the recent Bond Catastrophe, but rather how to judge or even calculate returns based on the most common bond market data — constant maturity yield series.

(This article is a bit rushed, since I yet again have family visiting from out of town…)

Employment-Population Ratio Revisited

I have been writing some manuscript comments about labour market capacity constraints and inflation, which I hinted at in my previous article. One tangent that came up that will not fit the manuscript is the behaviour of the employment-to-population ratio. Although the argument that the “labour market overheating is a major component of sustainable domestic inflation” is quite plausible, the problem is defining “overheating.” If we want to tell stories about the back history, we can pick and choose data as we wish. But it we want to make quantitative forecasts — which is what you need for a falsifiable theory of inflation — you need some variables to feed into your model.

No, QE Is Not Costless

I ran across a couple lame attempts at blaming the U.S. Treasury for not extending the duration of issuance during the pandemic low in yields. This is entirely typical for market commentary — going after fiscal policymakers and ignoring the major culprit, which is the central bank. To the extent that the United States has put itself into an awkward macro stabilisation situation with respect to interest rate expenditures, it is the result of the brain trust at the Federal Reserve.